India – SAWM Sisters

The Voice from Valley of Conflict – Kashmir

Anubha Bhonsle — Fri, 16 Aug 2019 12:16:06 +0000

SAWM India member Anubha Bhonsle recently visited Kashmir. Here is her report.

370 has strong emotional overtones. People used the words status, privilege, trust, humiliation, trickery, confusion to describe how they felt about the Art and the Aug 5 move. My despatch from earlier in the week (filed now) pic.twitter.com/HEHXcveUMc

— Anubha Bhonsle (@anubhabhonsle) August 16, 2019

“You are now free to use your cellphones”, my first despatch from #Kashmir filed on the 10th of Aug (2/2) pic.twitter.com/xk1LMfdDen

— Anubha Bhonsle (@anubhabhonsle) August 14, 2019

“You are now free to use your cellphones”

Anubha Bhonsle — Fri, 16 Aug 2019 08:22:57 +0000

“You are now free to use your cellphones”, my first despatch from #Kashmir filed on the 10th of Aug (2/2) pic.twitter.com/xk1LMfdDen

— Anubha Bhonsle (@anubhabhonsle) August 14, 2019

370 has strong emotional overtones

Anubha Bhonsle — Fri, 16 Aug 2019 08:20:39 +0000

370 has strong emotional overtones. People used the words status, privilege, trust, humiliation, trickery, confusion to describe how they felt about the Art and the Aug 5 move. My despatch from earlier in the week (filed now) pic.twitter.com/HEHXcveUMc

— Anubha Bhonsle (@anubhabhonsle) August 16, 2019

Watch | Are Dalit and Muslim Voters Being Removed From the EC’s Lists?

Arfa Khanum — Sat, 30 Mar 2019 10:31:10 +0000

A Hyderabad-based group says lakhs of households may be affected.

New Delhi: In addition to several reports about EVMs malfunctioning, new reports suggest that names of Dalit and Muslim voters are missing from voting lists. About 12 crore people – 3 crore Muslims and 4 crore Dalits – have been removed from the lists, a Hyderabad-based group says.

The Wire‘s Arfa Khanum Sherwani speaks to software engineer Syed Khalid Saifullah about the issue. Saifullah also provides information on how those who have been removed can re-enroll their names. Watch the video for more details.

Where will Congress get the ₹3,54,000 crore budget for NYAY, asks Nitin Gadkari

Nistula Hebbar — Sat, 30 Mar 2019 10:24:32 +0000

Congress is very confident on not winning this election, and hence will not be called to account for that promise, says the senior BJP leader

Union Minister and BJP candidate from RSS stronghold of Nagpur Nitin Gadkari said the BJP-led NDA government’s programmes are solution-oriented while the Congress’ record on poverty alleviation lacks credibility.

Excerpts:

How do you frame the current general elections?

Frankly speaking, the 2014 election was based on hope, there was a lot of disappointment with the UPA government and Modiji was voted in with hope for better times. These five years, the performance audit of our government will show that in the comparison between 50 years of Congress party and five years of our government, we will come up looking good and our contribution will be more than theirs. Twentieth century politics is about progress and development. People are looking for solutions to problems of poverty, unemployment, shelter. In all our policies from Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana to Mudra to Jan Dhan Yojana, Ayushman Bharat, they are all oriented to finding solutions. In road construction, we have taken tremendous strides, from 2 km per day in the last government, we are now at 29 km per day and by March-end we will be at 34-35 km per day. Under Namami Gangey we have improved the quality of water of aviral Ganga…

But studies do not reflect that improvement in Ganga water, they show that it has become more polluted.

You ask the one crore people who bathed in the Ganga at the Kumbh. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also drank that water straight from the river, would she have done that if it was polluted?

At the beginning of the campaign your party tried to frame the contest as Modi vs All, but the NDA is an agglomeration of more allies than the Opposition, then how is it Modi vs All?

When one party becomes strong, other weak parties, with nothing in common have gotten together in an alliance. Only fear of Modi is driving them together.

There is said to be fair amount of resentment among your state units in Maharashtra and Bihar because of the central leadership’s over generous attitude towards allies. Do you think you have been over generous, specifically in Maharashtra?

Alliances are an exercise of profit and loss, someone gets more, and some one has to sacrifice looking at the bigger picture of national interest. We will tell our workers that we have made these decisions in larger interest of the country and proceed from there. Lets see.

But allies, especially the Shiv Sena, do not shy away from trolling the BJP. Lately they carried a picture and laudatory article of the crowds drawn by Rahul Gandhi in Malda in their mouthpieceSaamna.

We have decided to fight the elections together and unitedly. The basic problem is that right now it is the time to face the electorate together. We were expecting a bit more positive attitude towards the alliance from the Saamna, but we are meeting and talking things over and I feel we should look ahead.

**So you are not going to bother much about what Saamna says?**

Yes.

This is also an election with a heavy national security narrative woven into it especially in the wake of the Pulwama attack and the Balakot air strikes. Do you think that it will prevail over other issues?

My personal opinion is that I’m extremely against the politicisation of national security or issues related to armed personnel. These are very sensitive subjects, and my feeling is that sometimes our Opposition behaves like Pakistan TV and newspapers. It is not appropriate and does not honour our brave soldiers and sometimes it is hurtful to the sentiments of the people as well.

But the Opposition says that it is the government that is using security operations as a campaign tool.

When the Opposition raises doubts on events, creating confusion, giving false statements. The best way is to not make comments on national security. My feeling is that one should not talk about this in the political domain at all, it is hurtful to people.

How do you look at the Congress’ poll promise of a minimum income support programme — NYAY — announced recently?

You just see from 1947, Prime Minister Nehru ji assures to the country that poverty will be alleviated, then Indiriaji with 20-point programme, 10-point programme, five-point programme etc., followed by Rajiv ji with almost the same things. But as far as economic policies that could address poverty are concerned, the result for ‘Garibi Hatao’ is zero. There is no credibility with regard to the Congress on this issue.

Statistics however have shown that the 10-year period of the UPA saw the largest number of people being pulled out of absolute poverty. That could give validity to the NYAY programme. Do you believe in a minimum income programme?

I believe that wrong economic policies, corrupt governance and bad leadership is the reason why we are still a poor country. Just look around the world, the Congress chose the Russian model of socialist model of economy, now see what happened to Russia and the socialist model? Even in western European economies and the United States, under liberal economic principles, there is a sense of crisis. It is time we gave thought to what it is we should do to bring about socio-economic transformation and give relief to the people at large. The BJP has reflected on the issue, and with strong feeling of nationalism as our spirit, good governance and development as our mission, and Antyodaya of looking at the poorest of the poor as the central premise of policy making we have been formulating policies.

So how is Antyodaya so different from NYAY and other forms of UPA’s welfarism?

I feel that NYAY is a political gimmick. Where will you get the ₹3,54,000 crore budget for that? That too over and above all the welfare schemes that the NDA government introduced. And by distributing this, where will you get the money to spend on roads, irrigation, schools and other infrastructure. I feel the Congress party is very confident on not winning this election, and hence not be called to account for that promise.

Even PM-Kisan income support is like a version of NYAY?

That is ₹6000 of cash income support, but in addition there are other things like increase in Minimum Support Price (MSP), we are bringing 1.88 lakh hectares of land under irrigation under the Pradhan Mantri Seenchai Yojana, some of these projects have been stalled after 50% of the works being done because of lack of support from state governments. We are also giving a fillip to an ethanol economy which will change the total prospects of farming as a profession.

Modi government has often been accused of increasing the communal temperature across the country. Especially around the issues of cow protection. How would you react to this?

This is totally 100% wrong. The habit of the media is that it puts everything down on our name, our reaction is like the rest of the country, that we will not tolerate any communal hatred being sought to be raised.

The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh had imposed the National Security Act (NSA) on a case of cow protection, do you agree with that?

Actually, we are in favour of cow protection, no question. Scientifically, gau mutraor cow urine is important, we are making many medicines out of it. Cow milk is also very important, it has certain nutrients which are important for health reasons. So we want to protect the cow, yes, but we will not tolerate violence in the name of it.

source: The Hindu

Shopping for candidates

Radhika Ramaseshan — Wed, 27 Mar 2019 07:29:44 +0000

The BJP is the most avid patron of the election marketplace, angling for the disgruntled and the discontent among rivals.

Last Saturday, the Congress, sapped internally with the serial defections to the BJP, was about to suffer another haemorrhagic stroke that was apparently arrested after the news went viral. Jitin Prasada, the scion of Jitendra Prasada – whose patrician good looks were as much of a talking point as his political ingenuity – was reportedly in serious negotiations with the BJP, with the proviso he would be its candidate from Uttar Pradesh’s Dhaurahra, the constituency that he lost to the BJP in 2014. It appeared that only a formal announcement was awaited because Jitin had run out of patience with the Congress. In the October of 2001, Prasada senior had challenged Sonia Gandhi in a rare election to the post of the Congress president that he lost because his associates of yore, notably PV Narasimha Rao, ditched him. Jitendra was political secretary to Rajiv Gandhi and Rao.

Jitendra’s dare to Sonia did not impede his son’s rise in the Congress. He was counted among Rahul Gandhi’s aides and last appeared publicly in the Gandhi siblings’ road show at Lucknow. Jitin was nominated from Dhaurahra but his gripe was that two adjoining constituencies, Kheri and Sitapur, had gone to Muslims. Why did that matter? Jitin feared the presence of Zafar Ali Naqvi and Kaisar Jahan (both former MPs) would imperil his election by polarising the electorate on communal lines and benefit the BJP. Congress insiders also said he had promised the two seats to his nominees, convinced that his “proximity” to Rahul would swing a favourable response. If his father took Rao’s support for granted, Jitin thought Rahul was his endorser. Both erred.

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah might look disparagingly at the crème de la crème of Lutyens’ Delhi, but, like the others in the BJP, they have a weakness to cultivate the elite. Jitin is one. He’s a Brahmin of covetable pedigree: Purnima Devi, Rabindranath Tagore’s niece, Jwala Prasada, an ICS officer, and Pamela Prasada from the Kapurthala royalty are his ancestors. So he wasn’t just another acquisition. “Thoroughbreds” aren’t necessarily winners. This was proved in 2014 when Rekha Verma, who described herself as a “trader” in her CV, bested her rivals and pushed Jitin down to a fourth place. The BJP hasn’t yet re-nominated Rekha while declaring the nominees for the seats around Dhaurahra – a pointer to its interest in Jitin.

Five years ago, when large swathes of India were swamped with the “Modi mania”, the BJP handed out tickets somewhat indiscriminately, convinced that Modi was enough to underwrite a win. Maheish Girri, who was elected from East Delhi, was recommended by Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, the Art of Living founder, while Babul Supriyo, a playback singer, who won from West Bengal’s Asansol, made it by dint of a “chance” meeting with Ramdev. BJP lore says Ramdev asked Supriyo if he wanted to contest. Supriyo said yes and the story had a happy ending.

The BJP maintains an open-door policy and has an eclectic bunch of newcomers but would love to get in the gilt-edged to give a patina of savoir vivre that might force the Lutyens’ zone to give a once-over.

In the 1990s, roping in “outsiders” was not much about foraging for candidates as seeking legitimacy that was undermined by the divisive and combustible Ayodhya campaign. The Babri mosque’s demolition underlined the breach between a growing number of Hindutva adherents and a declining population of secular liberals that still exists in some measure. The BJP framed the polemics as a chasm between India and “Bharat” although LK Advani was among the first to feel distinctly uncomfortable with the divide. He reached out to the social and economic elite and was keen to repackage the BJP as another version of Australia’s Christian Democratic Party. The induction of individuals such as Yashwant Sinha (from the Janata Party) and PR Kumaramangalam (from the Congress) softened the brutish edges that “Hindutva” inflicted. Kumaramangalam was the son of S Mohan Kumaramangalam, who started out as a Communist and in the ’70s shaped Indira Gandhi’s socialist agenda.

In the Modi-Amit Shah regime, inductions are more about identifying candidates because they know the BJP has attained a level of success Advani would never have dreamt of and need not prove anything to anyone. The parameters have changed to the extent that instead of relying on a Ramdev for a testimonial, the duo gets down to brass tacks such as caste and the ability to work local networks advantageously. Other factors apart, Jitin’s utility lies in him being a Brahmin. The BJP has to seriously court Brahmins in Uttar Pradesh where Yogi Adityanath, the chief minister, leans excessively on the side of the Rajputs.

In 2014, the “Modi wave” could absorb local infirmities so seamlessly that in places, voters didn’t care less who their candidate was. A wave has a life span. Once it ebbs, it takes quite a bit for a wave to rise again. BJP insiders have placed a greater premium on candidates this time than in the last election. Why else would the party have dropped candidates wholesale in Chhattisgarh after it was routed in the December 2018 elections? Is there a sense that Modi alone cannot guarantee a win? Doubtless, the BJP has an upper hand over the Opposition that is beginning to look fractious. But the hunt for suitable suitors will go on.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s own. The opinions and facts expressed here do not reflect the views of Mirror and Mirror does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.

source: Mumbai Mirror

Watch | In This Corner of Western UP, the Pulwama Effect May Not Work for BJP

Arfa Khanum — Wed, 27 Mar 2019 07:13:06 +0000

What has the effect of the Pulwama attack and the Balakot airstrike in Pakistan been on the ground? Senior editor of The Wire Arfa Khanum Sherwani visits Kairana in western Uttar Pradesh to find out.

What has the effect of the Pulwama attack and the Balakot airstrike in Pakistan been on the ground? Senior editor of The Wire Arfa Khanum Sherwani visits Kairana in western Uttar Pradesh to find out.

source: The Wire

Darryl D’Monte (1944-2018) Perceptive, Compassionate and Always Professional

SAWM Team — Mon, 25 Mar 2019 19:31:47 +0000

Old school but open to new ideas, friends, colleagues and acquaintances recall a model journalist

The Talent Spotter

Darryl was a down-to-earth guy, the right person to take over as Resident Editor of The Times of India (still) Bombay in 1988/89. It was a time of high drama courtesy the arrival of Samir Jain who turned the Old Lady of Bori Bunder on her head, Victorian petticoats and all. If that’s an image not meant for the faint-hearted, let me just say that the paper changed from stuffy and statist, and the target became the reader as opposed to sources and peers. I recall that lunch at Darryl’s enviable, first-floor home on the seafront—the D’Montes once reputedly owned ‘half of Bandra’. It was the crucible of the coup, and as each new ‘joinee’ materialised at the top of the stairs, an excited gasp of ‘You too!’ went up. Shanta Gokhale and I had rejoined the Times Group, Kalpana Sharma was a new comer. As senior assistant editors, we helped Darryl deliver a punchy paper on real issues, many of which were his personal passions. He espoused the environment , for example, before it became one more cause with a designer label.

Considerable politicking had preceded my return, but I knew I had a friend in Darryl who simply couldn’t be bothered by intrigue. He asked me to write the cover story for the sesquicentennial supplement, and made it a point of telling me to give it substance not mere style. The piece was on the very different Bombay to which I’d returned after nine years back in Calcutta, and thanks to his instruction I did far more legwork that I’d originally intended. And was rewarded with a ‘sign in blood to promise me that you’ll join’. It was his idea to start a tongue-in-cheek regular feature on the back page,‘Backword‘, and through it we discovered a surprising number of satirical writers,

During the ’92-93 riots, he advised me to say on my side of town and report from there. It was among the most searing of assignments. When I began to write in depth on the challenging issue of HIV-AIDS, Darryl readily, and uniquely, conceded to my request not to do only the sensational stories but also quiet ones to temper the stigma. Socially sensitive, he understood that this was too complex a tragedy to be treated like any other journalistic pursuit. You must remember that in those early days not only was it difficult to get any information, comments or expertise from doctors, sociologists and sex workers, but after you’d penetrated those walls of ignorance and fear, editors were too squeamish to print. Dilip Mukerjee who handled the Edit Page, consistently refused to let me do a main ‘3,4,5’( the main edit article) on AIDS, and would relegate it to the margins of a ‘7,8’.

Finally, Darryl was a professional and a gentleman, above any pettiness, politics or jockeying. Not too many about whom you can say this so unequivocally.

—Bachi Karkaria, Journalist, columnist and writer

Darryl, the Media Critic

Darryl D’Monte was an unsparing critic of the way the profession he belonged to conducted itself. Back in 2013-14, he wrote a scathing critique of the media business, tentatively titled ‘Presstitution: How the Media Sold Itself’. Unsurprisingly, his publisher got cold feet and the manuscript never saw the light of day. He sent me tricky paras with the publisher’s comments. The most frequent one was, ‘is it necessary to name?’! He wanted to know what I made of those paras. I told him mildly that much of it was roundly defamatory even if true.

Alas, not many editors of the Times Group have been quite so forthrightly critical of some of its practices. And he never got used to the Times Now’s approach to journalism. Some spluttering mails still reside in my inbox! Pity so many of us now take the channel’s excesses in our stride.

—Sevanti Ninan, founder-editor of The Hoot

The Fierce Environmentalist

Darryl D’Monte, editor of various publications and one of India’s best known environmental journalists, has both inspired and trained a slew of journalists who now occupy the top echelons of the profession. He edited the Sunday Magazine ofThe Times of India for a decade—from 1969 to 1979. It was in the later years of the seventies that I joined his team as a lowly sub-editor and was witness to his earliest phase as an environmental journalist, deeply interested in themes like the threat posed to Bombay residents by the Tata thermal power plant in Chembur, or the battle to save the Silent Valley. Writing in the second State of India’s Environment 1984-85 brought out by the Centre for Science and Environment, he saw the Silent Valley resistance as a ‘silent success’, the “fiercest environmental debate in the country (that) is likely to establish a precedent when ever any major development project—particularly a dam —threatens the ecological balance”. His seniors at the Times, including the venerable Shyam Lal, often looked askance at his choice of subjects showcased in the magazine. I remember well how, when he carried a piece on a bus that fell into the Vaitarna River, as a lead, he had to face sharp criticism from the boss. But the piece reflected his penchant for highlighting seemingly innocuous events to sketch the broader reality of people’s everyday lives and the scenarios in which they played out. It was an approach that led him to emerge as a major environmental crusader in his later years.

—Pamela Philipose, Public Editor, The Wire

Darryl, the Mentor

For journalists like me who joined the profession in the 1980s and were interested in so-called off-beat subjects (that’s how health, science and environment were referred to then), some bylines were must to follow. This list included Anil Agarwal, Darryl D’Monte, Bharat Dogra, Usha Rai, Dr K S Jayaraman and L K Sharma. They were all established names and younger lot looked up to their work for inspiration. Only later in later years one got a chance to meet and interact with them. I first met Darryl when I went to cover the UN Conference on Environment and Development (popularly known as the Earth Summit) held in June 1992 at Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. He had come from Bombay where he was based and the rest of us were from Delhi. Since then I have remained in touch with him, meeting several times during various professional engagements. Much later I came to know about his serious body of work other than what appeared in the Times of India. His work has been referred to in contemporary environment histories written by historians Ramachandra Guha and Mahesh Rangarajan. It is a rare occurrence indeed.

Darryl mentored a whole generation of journalists interested in covering the environment through the platform he created and nurtured till his very last days, the Federation of Environment Journalists of India. Through this network, he shared ideas, press releases, and information about fellowships and other opportunities, The network has brought together dozens of journalists across the country, going beyond the metros. He guarded the network against misuse for ‘greenwashing’ purposes by corporates and welcomed criticism. Hopefully these values will be preserved.

—Dinesh C. Sharma, Managing Editor, India Science Wire

Darryl D’Monte, a passionate journalist who lived by his convictions, left a lasting legacy

I never thought I would be writing an obituary about a friend and a colleague. Darryl D’Monte — journalist, author, environmentalist, human rights activist, and, above all, a good human being has passed. He died on March 16 in a hospital in Mumbai, a city he lived in, loved and fought to save from environmental destruction.

I knew Darryl for decades, as a fellow journalist with whom I worked for a short period in a newspaper, but more than that as a person with whom I shared many common concerns. Apart from his stints as an editor in Indian Express and Times of India, it is Darryl’s pioneering work as an environmental journalist that will be long remembered.

When he wrote about the Silent Valley controversy in the 1970s, where a dam would have destroyed precious biodiversity including the habitat of one of the world’s rarest and threatened primates, the Lion Tailed Macaque, the concept of “environmental” journalism was unknown. Yet, it is the controversy surrounding the dam in Kerala, and the prospect of habitat destruction, that yanked the issue away from conservation to questioning developmental policy. Eventually, the campaign to save the area led to the creation of a national park that would be excluded from the project area of the dam. In his book Temples or Tombs: Industry vs Environment (1985), Darryl has recorded this early environmental battle between the interests of saving the natural environment and the demands of development.

Although Darryl worked for much of his life in mainstream media, he never gave up his convictions on environment, human rights, civic and urban issues and on the rights of the most marginalised. Indeed, being a “committed” journalist was a label Darryl wore unapologetically. Through his reporting, he established that even if we, as journalists, have strong convictions, we can report with rigour and professionalism. His environmental reports stood out for the absence of polemics and for the thorough research that they contained. This kind of reporting set a gold standard for generations of journalists that have followed in his footsteps.

Darryl consciously mentored others. In the cut-throat competitive world in which journalists operate, this stood out then, and stands out even more now, as an unusual trait. But he was more concerned that the issues — whether to do with loss of biodiversity, destructive developmental policies, or climate change — were addressed by many more journalists than just those of his generation. By setting up the Forum for Environmental Journalists (FEJI), Darryl extended support and opened up opportunities for scores of journalists, many from outside the big metros who are not plugged into professional networks, to be trained in environmental reporting.

It is the city of Mumbai, with which Darryl was closely engaged, where he is most remembered and cherished. In Bandra, where his family has lived for generations, he was a known person, actively engaged in civic and cultural affairs — always ready to battle against insensitive and environmentally destructive developmental plans initiated by the municipality or the state government.

Till the end, Darryl never tired of raising the red flag on this. His most recent intervention was questioning the wisdom of building a coastal road to accommodate the needs of a small, well-heeled population owning private vehicles at the cost of the livelihoods of Mumbai’s fisherfolk, its coastal environment and the needs of the majority who have to contend daily with crumbling infrastructure. Unfortunately, the state government is determined to push ahead with the plan and the courts, so far, have not been sympathetic to the pleas of the fisherfolk.

There is never a good time for anyone to go, but this was not a good time for Darryl to go. His sane voice is needed today more than ever before. As this country hurtles towards becoming a violent and fractious society, where the voice of people at the margins is drowned, and where saving the environment is just empty words as policy forges ahead to destroy it, the passion of journalists like Darryl D’Monte is irreplaceable. One hopes the legion of younger journalists he mentored will carry forward his legacy.

source: Indian Express

—Kalpana Sharma, Independent journalist, columnist and writer

BJP’s 5 Yrs in Power & Relationship With Opponents: Here’s Full Transcript of Nitin Gadkari’s Interview

Marya Shakil — Mon, 25 Mar 2019 10:16:14 +0000

The Union minister says he believes that the BJP will come to power with a majority and that a “Modi wave” still persists in the country.

New Delhi: He is a high-performing minister of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Cabinet, a doer, an implementer. Someone whose work has received bipartisan praise. Unlike a regular politician, he speaks his heart out. Senior Bharatiya Janata Party leader and Union minister Nitin Gadkari, currently a member of the BJP Parliamentary board, speaks to Marya Shakil.

What is the biggest agenda of this election?

The election of any government is an exam of the work done by it. In the 2014 elections, the people of India’s hopes, expectations and desires relied on the leadership of Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janta Party, and also the disappointment from the then United Progressive Alliance rule. So, the upcoming election will be a test of the hopes, expectations and desires with which our government was elected.

I can say with faith that what our government has done in five years wasn’t done in 50 years. Based on that, I believe our government, our party will be re-elected and Modi will be the prime minister.

The BJP is talking about your work, putting up posters and advertisements. So, has this Nitin Gadkari model of development been prominent among the achievements of the government?

I don’t think so. Everyone in the government has worked. And the credit of the work done goes to the head of the government. So, it’s not just me who has worked. A team has worked under the leadership of the prime minister.

I have the advantage since I have worked on roads, shipping, and irrigation: they are visible. For others, like health, what can they show? What can be seen in foreign policy?

Overall, the team has worked well. And people have shown their trust and support based on that experience. And under Modi’s leadership, globally, the respect for our government has risen.

Based on that, I can firmly say we will get support from people.

You have good relations with your political opponents. That has soured over five years. Do you consider it a failure of your government — the worsening of the atmosphere, the kind of words used?

Those who have known me for the past 30-32 years know that I have a nature of my own without any political calculation. Friendship is friendship, I keep it. And as taught to us as ministers, everybody’s work should be legitimately done.

I am the minister of the Indian government, not of the BJP. So, I have tried to work on whichever MP has approached me, to the best of my ability. I have also addressed the work of those who can never support me ideologically. Everyone’s development work should be done — this is our belief. And Modi has also said “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas”, so why should we politicise development? We have tried to support everyone.

My relations have been cordial with members from other parties, and I have their affection and trust. My attitude has been the same with workers from my party, and with whoever comes to my residence. There is no discrimination.

What about the angst in the atmosphere? Why is there so much angst in politics? There is no interaction and coordination between the treasury benches and the Opposition.

To empower our democracy, we should understand there may be disagreements. And it is natural to have ideological differences, but not personal differences. We are ideologically opposed to each other, we are not enemies. India is the largest democracy in the world. And this is the largest festival of democracy, in which every person of the world is looking at us.

We must debate ideas, performance and work, discuss economic, foreign and other policies. And the way democracies in the United States and the United Kingdom have emerged forward, the way they talk on issues. In the same way, our democracy should move forward, by people rising above caste, creed, sex, religion and language, and instead decide based on debates on issues and the party manifesto.

The “Main Bhi Chowkidar” campaign has started. You talk about policies and your schemes, then why such a campaign?

“Chowkidar” (guard) means saviour. Someone says I am the guard of democracy, of national security. Buildings have guards looking after them. The guards prohibit trespassers. So, this has been put forward to the people as a “bhaav”, or a figure of speech.

But your political opponents say that since you don’t have answers to issues such as the job crisis and rural distress, you have made everyone a security guard.

I have awarded road projects worth Rs 11 lakh crore in my own department. Sagarmala and Bharatmala were two flagship programmes. The latter is worth Rs 7.5 lakh crore and will see the construction of 24,000 km of roads. It has been approved now. Close to 7,000-8,000 km work has been started. We are constructing express highways, tunnels and roads. We are consuming 40% cement of the country, the most amount of iron. The turnover of the machinery industry of construction has increased in a year. Do all these not create employment? The road project worth Rs 11 lakh crore, after that shipping projects worth Rs 5 lakh crore in Sagarmala have also been awarded.

Why have you not released the data?

I am giving it. Eleven lakh and five lakh is 16 lakh. And one lakh crore for the 285 projects in Namami Gange and for the Prime Minister Irrigation scheme. If you consider the total, work worth Rs 17 lakh crore has been approved by me alone. A minimum of 50 lakh people have been employed in my own department.

There is surely one thing. Whoever rules the economy, if some sectors fare good, others do worse. There are some problems in agriculture and real estate. And now we have made policies for agriculture. We are giving Rs 6,000 to farmers and have introduced the crop insurance scheme, improving the percentage of irrigation. We have increased the MSP (minimum support price) of agricultural commodities by two-and-a-half times.

Now, we are bringing out a policy for biofuel to make our biofuel economy of Rs 2 lakh crore. So that from airplanes to buses and trucks run on biofuel. Biofuel of different kinds – ethanol and methanol — are being introduced.

We are increasing our agricultural export too, changing crop patterns. Sugar surplus, rice surplus, wheat surplus, pulses surplus, now the government can’t decide the price as per global economy. Sugar costs Rs 20 per kg in Brazil, but we have paid the farmers Rs 34 per kg.

But do you believe that rural distress is a reality?

This has been the condition for 70 years. And we have tried to provide relief on a majority scale. I admit that more needs to be done.

You come up with new ideas, you have spoken about electric vehicles. When will Tesla come to India?

There is no hope of Tesla coming to India for a lack of interest. But today, in Pune (Maharashtra), 900 electric buses are being introduced. They are being launched at many places. In my own constituency, Nagpur, 250 electric taxis ply. Electric bikes are coming. In a year’s time, you will see electric buses, electric cars, electric taxis, electric bikes, and electric auto-rickshaws everywhere in this country.

I will tell you a simple thing, which has been my biggest achievement. When I used to sit in a cycle-rickshaw during my childhood, whenever there were climbs, I used to get down. It was dreadful and painful to see the rickshaw-puller take the rickshaw ahead. I am happy today that I made a law and introduced mechanised e-rickshaws. One crore people who used to ferry persons, to what Ram Manohar Lohia used to say that I would never in my life sit in these rickshaws. Today, when I go to villages and look for these rickshaws, I don’t find them. Diverting one crore people to mechanised e-rickshaws, it has been a great humanitarian work done by our government. We fought till the Supreme Court passed a law. Today, in several places in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and the Northeast, e-rickshaws are available for commutation.

How effective will the “Main Bhi Chowkidaar” campaign be in 2019?

Different kinds of campaigns happen during elections. There are emotions behind this one and the emotion would definitely succeed.

You think it is emotional due to the Pulwama incident.

There is no reason to associate this with the Pulwama incident. After the prime minister called himself a “chowkidar”, the “Chowkidar Chor Hai” (the security guard is the thief) was being said. A prime minister does not belong to the BJP, he is the prime minister of the country. The description of a prime minister must be in ethical language. So, I feel the emotion around the campaign, that “I am its saviour”.

So nationalism is still an agenda for you?

Nationalism is not an agenda for us, it is our soul. When I was leading my party, there used to be a board outside our office. Even today, it is written there “Rashtravaad yeh humariaatma hai” (nationalism is our soul). For us, it’s country first, then party, then me. So, nationalism is our soul. Good governance and development are our mission.

And, social and economic thinking till the end: the end person in society who is marginalised and suffering, the Dalits who lack shelter, clothing and food. We consider them God and look after them. And our work will conclude when those people will have food, clothing and shelter. This was Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyay’s thought and discipline.

Your political opponents are questioning the airstrikes. Rahul Gandhi’s trusted advisor and guide, Sam Pitroda, said on Friday, “Eight people (with reference to 26/11) came and did something. You don’t jump on an entire nation. It’s naïve to assume that just because some people came here and attacked, every citizen of that nation is to be blamed. I don’t believe it that way.” The prime minister has criticised this. How do you look at this statement?

First, it is not fair to debate the intention of the sacrifices made by our armed forces. I wholeheartedly feel these issues must not be politicised. If we speak in the same language as Pakistan’s television and radio, this will, in a way, insult our brave forces. Neither do I want to respond to such discussions nor do I have anything to say.

I would expect and request that no one has the right to insult the forces, such issues should not be politicised. Neither do we want the credit for it nor do we want to debate about it. I urge the media that a debate on such sensitive issues is not in the national interest. It’s better to avoid it.

You are also politicising it, your party does it.

That’s why I prefer to keep quiet. I have expressed what I feel.

Posters are being put up. So is that an election issue?

No, we are not doing it. No, this is not. We don’t want to make it an election issue. Sometimes, they are derived from such questions and answers. So, it’s better to maintain silence on it. I have expressed my feelings. I don’t have anything to say beyond this.

You are contesting the election from Nagpur, which is the RSS’s headquarter. How significant is this election for you?

Every election is significant for the party. Last time, I won by three lakh votes. This time, I am going to win by four lakh to 4.5 lakh votes. I have tried to do the maximum work in Nagpur in the last five years. And I have worked, rising over caste, creed, religion and language. I have got support from all people. This year, I believe I am going to increase my margin by another one lakh to 1.5 lakh votes and win.

There’s nothing very surprising in the list. You are mostly repeating MPs and ministers in Uttar Pradesh. Since you are the member of the Central Election Committee, does this party believe there is no anti-incumbency? Or if there is any anti-incumbency, why is that only against six sitting MPs among the 28 of UP?

The president and our party examine all the seats. The party decides after examining the choice of party workers, people, and surveys. And whoever is considered to be getting public support is nominated. It’s a very natural process. It is evaluated in a just way. No one gets a ticket based on someone’s plea or recommendation. Based on merit, someone gets it, others don’t.

Smriti Irani is contesting from Amethi. What is the party’s opinion about Rae Bareilly?

This has not been discussed in the party’s parliamentary board. When it will be discussed, it will be shared.

The prime minister has been called by Kashi, Amit Shah is fighting from Gandhinagar. What will be the path since he is still the party president and you have been one too?

The parliamentary board decided he should contest from there, which is good. He will win from a good margin since his Vidhan Sabha constituency comes under this only. When Advaniji used to fight elections, Amit Shah used to stand by him. I believe he will win by a good margin.

If Amit Shah wins the election, will he be a part of the Modi Cabinet Part 2?

The PM will decide this.

Advaniji did not get a ticket.

Advaniji has been an inspiration to all of us. He was with us in the past, he will be with us in the future. It is the natural course. Changes come with age. I think the party president has discussed this with Advaniji, then he took any decision.

He was not given an option or he said this himself?

I have no knowledge about this, but I believe the party president might have spoken to him.

Is there a cap of 75 years?

This is a discussion done within the party and I don’t feel right discussing this with the media.

Should we consider this as an end of the road for him in the BJP?

I believe that he was with us and he will be with us. He is our inspiration, he established our party and we all have that respect for him.

The Opposition says that Advani led the BJP from zero to great heights. I am quoting what they said: “Modiji doesn’t respect elders, how will he respect the faith of the nation?”

What is the relation between the BJP’s issues and the Congress party? Is the Congress giving tickets to all of its elder members? Creating such confusion among people is their habit, they should first look into their party. They should resolve their issues first. Who will get tickets from our party is the decision of the party president and the parliamentary board.

Turncoats have been given space in West Bengal and Odisha, what do you want to say about that? Do you believe other party members are stronger than you in these two states?

This is not true. But it is correct that the strength we should be having in both the states, we don’t have that now. If somebody wants to join us and support us, we should have them on our side, nothing is wrong in that. The party has become the largest party by accepting others only.

The PM and all of you have spoken against the dynasty. [Karnataka BJP chief] BS Yedyurappa’s son, BY Raghavendra, has got the ticket from Shivamogga. Why?

Being someone’s son or daughter is not a crime, but the parents trying to persuade for a ticket is wrong. When the party members and people are supporting the candidate, it is not wrong to give them the ticket.

There was also speculation that the three chief ministers who lost in the Assembly elections last year — Shivraj Singh, Vasundhara Raje and Raman Singh — they will get a chance at the Centre. Is it possible that we will have their names in the upcoming lists?

These kinds of decisions are taken by the party president and the parliamentary board.

Sushma Swaraj and Uma Bharti do not want to contest the elections.

I also had a word with Sushma. She said her health is deteriorating, so she won’t be able to contest this time. The president and I received a letter from Uma Bharti, she said she will hold campaigns she doesn’t want to contest.

Does she want to return to her home state of Madhya Pradesh from UP?

I don’t think so. Whatever work will be given to her by the party, she will do it.

Since we are talking about every type of speculation, this time you won’t be getting numbers from the Hindi belt, i.e. from UP, Bihar, MP, Rajasthan. From where do you think you will get the numbers?

We will get good numbers in West Bengal, in the Northeast. Looking at the current situation, I feel that we will not only maintain the number of seats in UP and Bihar but will get two to three seats more and will cross 300.

In Odisha, you won a single seat last time during the Modi wave.

We will get seven to eight seats this time. There is anti-incumbency against the current government in the state.

If we talk about Bihar, you are fighting from 17 seats, five seats fewer than the 22 last time.

Such things happen in alliance politics – to keep everybody together, you need to sacrifice. We are not fighting on the seats we know we will win. For the party’s benefit, this step was necessary. During that time, the Janata Dal (United) was not with us.

So should we consider this a compulsive decision because of the alliance or has the BJP become accommodating?

Politics is a game of compulsions, contradictions and limitations. And there are multiple permutations and combinations in this game — to get the majority, one needs to have a big heart and accommodate more and more people who support the party ideology. That helps create good leadership and success story.

So you had a big heart for the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, the same heart for the JD(U) in Bihar.

We are working with the JD(U), we will have to keep that big heart.

For the rainbow coalition in Tamil Nadu, there is massive anti-incumbency against the AIADMK, which is itself a divided house.

I don’t think so. The AIADMK and other parties are supporting the BJP, we will have a winning combination and will win good numbers there.

What is giving you this confidence in Tamil Nadu?

I visited Tamil Nadu and held discussions with people. I believe we will have a spectacular winning combination and that is what the people want.

Your good friend Rajinikanth hasn’t formally joined politics.

It is up to him to decide. He is not very interested in contesting parliamentary elections, but I am expecting he may support the BJP.

Will he support the BJP this time? Will there be a formal announcement from him?

I don’t know. But in the interest of the country and Tamil Nadu, we are expecting support from him.

You spoke about permutations and combinations. If there is a permutation and combination and the BJP is stuck at 220, will you be in the race for PM?

I have cleared this earlier also. Neither I am in a race nor do we have a club of 220, I have full faith that under Modi’s leadership we will get a full majority and the next PM will be Narendra Modi.

Since you have good relations with other parties — [Biju Janata Dal’s] Naveen Patnaik, the YSR Congress, everybody — what will you do if they say they will only support the BJP if Nitin Gadkari is its face?

I don’t think there is any such possibility. We will have a full majority and this question is baseless.

If we talk about personal equations, is this with Nitin Gadkari, the BJP minister, or with Nitin Gadkari as an individual?

Those who have known me for 35-40 years, my attitude is still the same as it was before and it will be the same in the future also. Neither did I make friends for a political equation nor do I have any such connection. When I was in Maharashtra, it was the same as it is now.

There were two statements by you. First, you said at an event at the Pune District Urban Cooperative Bank Association Limited: “The leadership should have the tendency to own up to the defeats and failures in elections.”

That speech was in Marathi: I said there is sometimes loss and profit in banks. There is a cooperative unit in Maharashtra, so I said that everybody should balance their profit and loss, one should not fight. We also win and lose elections, but we always stay together and own it.

My speech was not related to anything else. I gave it at 11 am. By the evening, a website called “Sarkarnama” published that I said Amit Shah should take responsibility for our defeat in the Vidhan Sabha elections. I neither mentioned Amit Shah nor the Vidhan Sabha elections.

Second, I spoke about party workers – first they need to eradicate unemployment and hunger from their homes, then they should work for the party. If you cannot handle your families, how will you manage the nation?

You were addressing Intelligence Bureau officials, at the 31st IB Centenary Endowment Lecture in New Delhi, when you said that who else but a party president will be responsible if the MLAs and MPs do not perform well.

I did not say that. I said that in the party, we are responsible for the workers and MPs. And we must teach them to work well and motivate them. This is our work as party leadership. And that is why, when I was the party president, I had readied a syllabus. A syllabus for an MLA, an MP and a minister, and had ensured they were trained well. To train them is the party’s responsibility. This was also my responsibility as party president. And I had mentioned that.

Unfortunately, I must tell you one thing. You people play around with statements. When people had asked me about MLAs, I had answered. I do not have a problem with that. But words are put in my mouth… and in the same show I had said that [Pandit Jawaharlal] Nehru had said that the number of people in India and the number of problems in the country are the same. So, we must decide to not remain a problem anymore. But when it was aired, it was mentioned that I appreciated Jawaharlal Nehru.

If you want to shoot someone, if you have the conviction, shoot them yourselves. Don’t shoot them by keeping the gun on my shoulder. I have said things clearly and my statements are still there on YouTube. The things that have been said about me shows that the media is not credible these days.

You even clarified after the first statement on Twitter.

I spoke at 11am and nothing came in the media till 5 pm. Journalists were present at the conference, but nobody said anything. One started it and the rest followed. After 6 pm, everybody ran it.

So who did this mischief?

I told you the name.

What was their agenda?

I don’t know and I even expressed my anger to them. Whatever I have said, I owe that. I am giving you an interview and if you speculate about something else, I will stand by my words. Whatever I am saying on record, if you can really speculate about something, you can, but what kind of journalism is going on?

It was said that Nitin Gadkari is sending a message since he speaks his heart out.

I can speak directly, I don’t need you to be the mediator. This is not my behaviour. I support the ideology of the party and I stand by them. I understand the party discipline and I won’t do anything that disturbs it.

MP, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh were your bastions. In two states, you were ruling for 15 years, you lost. Don’t you think the kind of situation that has been created will reflect on the upcoming elections?

Things have changed after the Budget was introduced and I believe that in all the three states we will get good numbers and will maintain the victory number.

If we talk about Maharashtra, your home state, there is a rise in suicide numbers of farmers in Vidarbha. It reflects that your schemes have failed.

This is not an issue for the past five years, this has been going on for 60-70 years and for the first time we took steps to solve the issue. In one particular scheme, we have accepted 108 irrigation projects wherein we are investing Rs 40,000 crore. In the PM irrigation scheme, Maharashtra’s irrigation will increase by up to 48%. If irrigation will increase, it is natural that farmer suicides will decrease. The Maharashtra government has tried and we are also trying. This is a difficult job, it will take time but I believe suicides will stop. This is our mission.

You spoke about discipline, but your ally in Maharashtra is not dealing with discipline. They speak like your opponents.

I spoke about discipline within the party, I never spoke about alliance discipline. There is discipline in the party and I will abide by that. It is true they have said a lot but we have that we will forget such statements. We have started a programme in Nagpur — [Shiv Sena chief] Uddhav [Thackeray], [Maharashtra chief minister] Devendra [Fadnavis] and all of us were present there and we have decided that we will work hard and the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance will be successful as before.

It is being said that the Maratha reservation is leading to polarisation between the OBCs and the Marathas. Do you think this will backfire?

It is nothing like that. Maharashtra voters are sensitive, responsible and aware. They vote, keeping issues in mind, and now this is not an issue or conflict. Yes, there is one thing. Politics for development is the BJP’s agenda… casteism, religion, these are issues of the opposition.

We believe that a person becomes great by his/her qualities and not by his/her caste or religion. The poor don’t understand this caste and religion, therefore economic issues are really important. We need to eradicate fear, terror, hunger and corruption and we need to build a happy, serene and prosperous country. So, we are taking along the feeling of “Sabka saath, sabkavikas” and going ahead with it, this is our mission.

But we are not hearing “Sabka saath, sabka vikaas” these elections.

It is still there, it is our slogan. It is a problem with us that people listen to the good things about us but they forget. And they keep on repeating the things they should have forgotten.

So “Main Bhi Chowkidar” is not as important as “Sabka saath, sabka vikaas”?

Everything said by us is important. If I say it is not important, you will get tomorrow’s breaking [news]. I will not do that.

You were present while finalising the government in Goa. Vishwajit Rane’s name did the maximum rounds. But Pramod Sawant’s name was declared. What actually worked in his favour?

The decision was taken after 12 MLAs, party leadership and workers were consulted. Amit Shah was also consulted.

[Former Goa CM] Manohar Parrikar’s demise is a big loss to the party.

It is. When I used to work for the Maharashtra BJP 35-40 years ago, I was also given Goa’s responsibility by Pramodji [Pramod Mahajan]. Then Manohar Parrikar, Shripad Naik, Digambar Kamat (now Congress) and Sanjeev Desai were new to the party, and I used to sit with them. I had close familial relations with Manohar. He was very honest and hardworking. He was an IIT graduate.

He gave his life for the nation as a worker of the BJP. He was untainted and had a clean heart. He was also a friend. His demise has caused irreparable damage to me, to Goa, to the country and to the party. His demise hassled us and deeply saddened us. That is why after he went away, we unanimously chose a chief minister and a new Cabinet.

He loved Goa a lot. I must have granted Rs 15,000 crore to the state for infrastructure development. Whenever he used to come to me, I used to do everything he requested. The new chief minister and the party leadership must fulfil his dreams of a better Goa. Today when I met the chief minister, I said this would be the best tribute to Manohar. His soul will find peace in heaven when the Goa of his dreams is built.

You spoke about the success of a lot of your schemes. Uma Bharti had said that as per the Namami Gange project, Ganga will be clean by 2016. The timeline was then shifted to 2018. You said that by 2020, 70%-80% of the Ganga will be clean. Do you think Namami Gange was not as successful as hoped?

There are 285 projects, including the Ganga, her tributaries and the ghats. Of this more than 30% of the projects have been completed. We worked on 13 projects in Delhi, which were worth Rs 450 crore. We completed the Sonipat and Panipat project. Work over the Yamuna has begun in Himachal Pradesh. Three projects have started in Mathura. A project worth Rs 850 crore was inaugurated in Agra. We have seven projects in Prayagraj, nine in Varanasi, and 13 in Patna. Everywhere work has begun.

I can say that by the end of March next year, Ganga will be completely clean. We made a waterway from Prayagraj to Varanasi and thus, Priyanka Gandhi could travel on that boat. She drank the Gangajal and it was a certificate that the Ganga is, indeed, clean. All the people who came to Kumbh blessed us, Ganga is very clean although we have done only 30% of our work so far. It is my commitment to you that by the end of March next year, the Ganga will be clean.

Priyanka Gandhi had a boat show, not a road show.

It happened because of us. If we hadn’t maintained it, how would she have gone? So she, in a way, accepted that. But she must have said that she is thankful for the Ganga waterway and that the water is clean, hence she is drinking it. [Congress leader P] Chidambaram himself wrote that in roadways and for cleaning Ganga, we have done a good job.

Priyanka Gandhi has formally ventured into politics. She is the general secretary in-charge of East UP. How big is it a concern for the BJP?

There is no concern. Everyone can try as they might in politics. If she works, she is welcome. We are not worried at all.

But eastern UP is the bastion of the PM and the UP chief minister.

I don’t think her presence will make any difference for us. We will repeat our previous victory. I believe that.

And what about the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party alliance?

Such things keep taking shape and then go ugly. We are standing on our concrete work. The public will support Modiji and the BJP and we will win.

But it is a strong arithmetic.

In the elections of 1971, the entire opposition had united against Indira Gandhi. But it proved that there is no 2+2=4 in politics. Those who were against each other have formed an alliance of opportunism. It is not built on any principle and, hence, I have faith that we will again.

But where will the numbers come from?

We will get the numbers 100%. We will get more seats than the 300-mark.

If we do direct calculations, as per the combined vote share of SP and BSP in 2014, you are losing 50% of your seats.

You might have done the arithmetic calculations but you have not done the political calculations.

So what is the political calculation?

I am telling you that the developmental work we have done in UP over the past five years, people will definitely vote for us.

The view is that maybe Yogi Adityanath’s anti-incumbency will weigh down the numbers.

Nothing like that will happen.

The angst amongst the people against Yogi Adityanath?

It is a test of the work we have done under PM Modi. And surely UP’s public wants to accept Modiji as their PM.

Was the “Congress-mukt Bharat” slogan correct?

It does not mean we will end the Congress in India. The Congress is an ideology. And to stop that ideology and build an India on our ideology is our motto.

What could you have done differently as a minister?

I never look back. I did whatever my job was. And I have faith that we did work worth Rs 17,000 crore with transparency, time-bound result and quality consciousness. And I am proud that even after giving away contracts worth Rs 17,000 crore, not a single contractor had to come to my office. There was no corruption. It will be best if the media and people decide how my work has been.

That was about your ministry, what about your government?

Our government under Modi has done in five years what was not done in 50 years. India’s status has risen in the world. As a part of reformative economic policies, we brought GST, brought welfare schemes for the poor and farmers. The results are now visible. Thirty-four crore people have bank accounts. Now roads worth Rs 34 crore are being built every day. We made express highways, tunnels and bridges. We are now making the Mumbai-Delhi express highway, we will finish the work for the Delhi-Meerut Expressway tomorrow. The people are watching.

But not hiding the NSSO report, not releasing it?

There are always various kinds of reports. We have also created employment opportunities. The growth rate will also go up to 7.5% by the next year. But it is also true that some sectors have done well while others have not. We are trying to boost agriculture and real estate.

The absence of data raises questions about the government’s intentions… as if you have something to hide.

Our intention is how to increase economic growth rate, agricultural growth rate, manufacturing growth rate and service sector growth rate and create more employment. This is our economic policy’s priority. And that is why people must not ask for jobs, but create jobs. That is why we have given precedence to science, technology, start-ups and stand-ups. People are benefitting, which will only go up in the future.

If you are so sure of the opportunities you have created, why did you not release the data?

As far as I know, the data has been released in this regard. The ministry can give a clearer picture. But we have not hidden anything.

Since you have been a BJP president, my question is: Has the BJP become a person-centric party? It is no longer a people-centric party, as per your opponents.

Our party is ideology-centric. Nationalism is our soul. Good governance and development is our mission. Nation first, after that the party, and then me. This is a workers’ party, not a family’s. Here, leaders are not born from “naamdaars” (dynasts). This a party that works for an ideology and is a party of nationalists. And we are still following that. So, this accusation is baseless.

In the future, we will free the nation from fear, terror and corruption and will make it a happy, prosperous country. We will become an economic superpower as per the dreams of Modiji’s New India. Every countryman’s dreams and ambitions will be achieved.

Since you often do calculations, what will unfold for your party on May 23?

I have faith that people will reinstate their trust in us and we will change India’s future in the next five years.

How many seats do you expect?

More than 300.

So you are saying that the Modi wave is still there?

Yes, 100%.

No need for new allies? Are there any potential allies?

We have done many successful alliances.

It is being said that Naveen Patnaik, Jagan Mohan Reddy and K Chandrasekhar Rao are your potential allies.

What people do and say is up to them. But we have to include everyone with us with a large heart and strengthen the NDA. To strengthen the BJP and work for the country is our sole mission. We will try to get them on board and together take the country forward.

Is the BJP going to get more than 300 seats or the NDA?

I am talking about the BJP. When we include the alliances, it will be much more.

But the opposition is united.

They can also try their luck. Results will follow post-polls.

source: News18

HIJAB OR NO HIJAB: THE DISCOURSE EITHER WAY ENDORSES A STEREO-TYPE

Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal — Mon, 25 Mar 2019 07:55:26 +0000

New Zealand’s ‘hijab’ campaign as part of solidarity for its Muslim community has been viewed differently across the globe. Many liberal feminist friends from across South Asia critiqued the move as ‘patronising’ and ‘stereo-typing Muslim women’ on the social media.

The argument was based on the assumption that hijab is oppressive. I am afraid that by bracketing a piece of cloth and its user into neat black and white categories, we are endorsing the very stereo-types we claim to fight. Should clothes be an indicator of who an individual is in terms of religion, region, beliefs and opinions? If the stereo-types of Muslims with beards, skull-caps and burqa or hijab have painted a radicalized image of the community the world over, by appropriating the right to be liberal only by discarding these apparently Islamic symbols, one is creating a stereo-type of another kind.

Hijab’s popularity across the world has increased in recent years. Kashmir is no exception where the young girls have picked up the hijab that their older generation had discarded. Does it signal a sexist bias, religious assertion and eagerness of young to wear their religion on their sleeve? The reasons for wearing hijab vary from person to person. While some wear it as part of religious faith irrespective of the patriarchy that it symbolizes, for some it’s a popular fad where as many other women link it to the conflict and use it as an assertion of their religious and Kashmiri identity in the face of constant demonization and vilification of the Muslim, particularly Kashmiri Muslim. The hijab, for them, becomes a symbol of defiance rather than being oppressive.

While hijab is often a subject matter of discussion and debate in the name of liberalism and gender rights, one wonders whether a similar debate would revolve around bindis or other sundry symbols that in some cultures are used and worn as a compulsion rather than for their physical appeal. Like the hijab, the bindi can be worn for its fashionable appeal, for its religious symbolism peppered with its patriarchal quotient. That unlike the hijab, the bindi is less likely to be bracketed as gender oppressive and a matter of religious display, or have the potential of sparking an intellectual debate, is proof of the selective stereo-typing of some dress codes even by the liberals, of perpetuating stereo-types while endeavouring to fight them.

Some tend to draw parallels between the ‘hijab’ and the ‘ghoonghat’. The latter is more akin to the burqa – both denoting the exclusion of women from public space. The ‘ghoonghats’ and ‘burqas’ are more regressive, not only because they come from sexist positions but also because they tend to ghettoise women into isolation. But such generalisations could be misleading as well. Women in ‘ghoonghats’ and ‘burqas’ are known to have broken their shackles and barriers too in some ways. In Rajasthan, many self-help groups are being run with the active involvement of women in ‘ghoonghat’. Kashmir’s famous feminist poetess Rumuz dons a burqa. Her poetry nonetheless remains just as soulful and liberating.

The hijab narrative is even more nuanced. Many women donning the hijab are known for their liberal views as compared to some who do not wear it. Noted feminist and liberal writer, Kamla Das, began wearing the hijab after she converted to Islam at the age of 65. Her political and feminist views remained the same. I have known women who discarded the hijab at some point in time in their life, and those who adopted it as a way of life after years of not wearing it. None of them ceased to be the persons they were. They remained the same in terms of their faith, beliefs and views.

It is difficult, even erroneous, to create categories on basis of dress and dress-codes. Being judgmental on this count is to rob an individual of an agency that is as much being exercised while wearing or not wearing a hijab or any other thing that is symbolic from a gender or religious perspective. What’s in a hijab, afterall? Nothing that matters, but the person beneath. If hijabs are seen as regressive, the discourse that outrightly looks at hijabs in a condescending way is no less oppressive and militates against the liberalism that is being espoused by failing to recognize individual choice.

It was this right to choice that France denied by imposing a ban on hijabs. The ban has not helped the French nation from seeing Muslims as the ‘other’. During the reign of Kemal Ataturk in Turkey, a militant brand of secularism, imposed by the state invoked a similar ban which gave women no choice. If women wished to fall into the category of being liberal and secular, which the Turkish state wanted them to be, they had to discard their hijabs. The move didn’t make Turkey any more secular – the increasing might of right-wing Erdogan in present times serves a reminder. In Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, women cannot move outside without a hijab or burqa.
It is not the hijab that is essentially oppressive. The forced imposition of hijabs or the forced bans on it are what are far more oppressive. The problem is less in the ‘parda’ that is adopted as an attire, the problem is more in the ‘parda’ on the minds that create stereo-types.

At one superficial level, New Zealand, which has shown exemplary courage, morality and true spirit of liberalism and secularism after the shocking terror attack on Muslims, may have endorsed the stereo-typed image of the Muslim women with its ‘Hijab Day’ observation. But in a world of Islamophobia, that allows countries like France to crackdown on its Muslim population through a hijab-ban, New Zealand has also made a significant political statement.

source: Kashmir Times