News – SAWM Sisters

Shah, Goyal to visit Chennai for alliance talks today

Nistula Hebbar — Tue, 19 Feb 2019 11:48:26 +0000

Negotiations have progressed ‘quite far’; PMK’s inclusion a sticking point

BJP president Amit Shah and the party’s Tamil Nadu election in-charge, Piyush Goyal, will visit Chennai on Tuesday to broadly finalise the alliance with the AIADMK for the upcoming Lok Sabha election.

Sources said they had received an itinerary, as per which Mr. Shah would arrive in the city by a special aircraft at 10.45 a.m. on Tuesday, and leave at 3 p.m.

Sources in the BJP were tight-lipped on whether there would be an announcement about the nitty-gritty of the alliance on Tuesday. They admitted that the talks with the AIADMK had gone “quite far”, but added that uncertainty over the PMK joining the alliance prevailed, and needed to be resolved.

“The broad contours of the arrangement are more or less final, with the BJP asking for 13-15 seats, not just for itself but also for accommodating the Puthiya Tamilagam (which has sought the Tenkasi seat), the Vijayakant-led DMDK, the Indhiya Jananayaga Katchi (who have sought one seat) and another smaller party, which has also asked for one seat. If the PMK signs up with our alliance, we are ready to offer four seats,” said a source.

EPS yet to give nod

While the broad contours of the seat adjustment have been hammered out, the final nod for the arrangement from AIADMK co-coordinator and Chief Minister Edappadi K. Palaniswami is yet to be obtained, and the four seats that have been earmarked for the PMK is one of the reasons for this. “It is difficult for the AIADMK, with a large number [of] sitting MPs, to give so many seats away. So, the PMK decision is crucial,” said a source in the BJP.

A senior BJP office-bearer said the party was staking a claim to Kanniyakumari — a seat it already holds — along with Nilgiris (Reserved), one of the three seats in Chennai and one in Madurai (since the Central government had sanctioned the setting up of an All India Institute of Medical Sciences there).

source: The Hindu

Watch | Rafale Deal: Did Modi Government Compromise National Security?

Arfa Khanum — Thu, 14 Feb 2019 05:19:17 +0000

In this episode of ‘Arfa ka India’, the controversy regarding the Rafale deal is discussed.

New Delhi: A series of news reports have raised important and complicated questions revolving around the Rafale controversy. The Wire’s founding editor Siddharth Varadarajan and investigative journalist Rohini Singh answer some of these in conversation with Arfa Khanum Sherwani.

source: The Wire

‘Nothing Wrong in it’: Chandrababu Naidu On Post-Poll Alliance With Jagan Reddy

Marya Shakil — Tue, 12 Feb 2019 08:23:47 +0000

However, he alleged that at present, the YSRCP chief is helping the BJP and PM Modi, which, he said, was evident from Sunday’s massive gathering in Guntur, Andhra Pradesh.

watch video

New Delhi: Staging a day-long dharna in the national capital for special status for Andhra Pradesh, chief minister Chandrababu Naidu on Monday hinted that he would be open to a post-poll alliance with regional rival YSR Congress chief Jagan Mohan Reddy to keep the BJP away.

Speaking to News18, Naidu said, “If at all he (Reddy) wins any seats, let him come and support us, nothing wrong in it.”

source: News18

Cong Needs To Rethink The Road It Is Taking For Electoral Victory

Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal — Mon, 11 Feb 2019 07:17:16 +0000

After 15 years, Madhya Pradesh was wrested from BJP by Congress. It was naive to believe that the change of power would also signal a halt to some of the hardcore Hindutva and essentially fascist policies followed by the BJP, especially in the last five years since BJP also came to power at the Centre. The rigid administrative systems get used to prescribed rigmaroles and become deeply entrenched in 15 years. The nuisance value of the fringe Hindutva groups would also continue to exert pressure on the government. These, however, are not the only reasons to be skeptical. Congress, on its path to victory in 2018 elections, used some of the Hindutva motifs to the hilt and upped the ante on cow politics by invoking cow shelters, cow protectionism and cow urine. Whether or not, such slogans helped fetch votes for Congress, the party now feels duty bound to unquestioningly follow the existing models of governance obsessed with cows, a kind of polity that pushes humans, particularly minorities, into playing a subservient role. If anyone had any delusions of optimism, they are now put to rest as Madhya Pradesh government under chief minister Kamal Nath has invoked the stringent National Security Act (NSA) against three persons arrested on charges of cow slaughter in the communally sensitive Khandwa town. Beyond following this tradition set by BJP of hounding Muslims, facing accusations of cow slaughter (often without any evidence) with charges of “terror acts”, the Congress regime in Madhya Pradesh is in a far more pro-active mode in pursuing cow politics, perhaps in a bid to compete with the BJP. Recently Kamal Nath announced that 1,000 government-run cow shelters will be set up in the state within four months and several other cow welfare schemes are on the anvil for which the government is thinking of raising revenue by increased tax and cess.

The Madhya Pradesh experience is instructive about the pernicious and perilous repercussions of Congress strategy to use soft or hard-core Hindutva to compete with BJP. There is no empirical evidence to show whether this really does work as an election strategy. It would not be such an uncommon sense to presume that the hardcore Hindutva constituency would prefer a party that is genetically and ideologically bound to Hindutva ideology than an imitating other. Only those disenchanted by fake development promises of the BJP would fall back upon Congress or other parties. By raising the pitch on Hindutva itself, how does Congress expect to take a U-turn and go back on the promises that perpetuate the same fascist culture being imposed by the BJP and its right-wing allies.
It doesn’t take rocket science to figure out that BJP’s policies followed in the last five years are altering the very idea of India built in accordance with its lofty and liberal constitution. The spirit of the constitution emphasizes on the equality of all its citizens and the constitution stands on the bedrock of modern liberal values. The poison of hatred and intolerance now injected by the BJP and its supported fringe groups into the fabric of the society that was inherently and traditionally secular has adverse consequences that will take a long time to mend. Time is only secondary. Reversing that damage requires commitment, conviction and unflinching faith in the liberal values. There is thus need for a directional change in the discourse from Hindutva or Hindu first to equality, secularism and weeding out religion from politics. The Congress in its present avtar does not inspire hope.

Congress has been sailing in both boats. Its president Rahul Gandhi has been talking about both liberalism and social welfare and at the same time pandering to majoritarian Hindu sentiments by laboring to prove his Hinduness with visit to temples, religious pilgrimages and digging out his gotra. For argument sake, he may appear a cut above the BJP by propping up true and pacifist essence of Hinduism as opposed to hate-soaked Hindutva. The debate on Hinduism versus Hindutva in politics however is dubious not only in view of lack of clarity in Congress camp, which alternates between sobering and more rigid influence of religion, but for the simple reason that religion should have no role in politics in a secular democratic country. The Congress’ hard labour to prove the Hindu-ness of Rahul Gandhi betrays its belief that only Hindus can rule this country. India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was conscious of the pitfalls of make religion central to politics and state’s institutions and aware of the unfathomable abyss such a discourse would push the country into. He, therefore, chose the path of state’s denial to patronize religions and religious practices or institutions. Much of Congress in the early days steered clear from such temptations. That policy and vision has today been forgotten.

What good would be achieved if BJP is replaced by Congress but the rhetoric of Hindu supremacy and Hindu symbols remain intact to haunt the secular fabric of the country. The BJP represents a fascist ideology where only the upper caste Hindus are supreme. By emulating similar ideas, even if in dilution, Congress invokes the threat of one fascist power replacing another. The capability of the Congress to undo the mess created by the BJP was always doubtful but what is shocking is that instead of even aspiring to undo that damage done to the social fabric and the country’s institutions, Congress is embarking on a road where the same policies would be perpetuated to enable the journey of Hindutva march forward. This may be alright if Congress’ only battle with BJP is to redeem power at the Centre. But if it is waging an ideologically battle to redeem the country’s core values, it is surely on the wrong path. The Congress needs to reflect and make its choice clear. If it is the former option, it is best for the party to step back and allow the other secular groups and regional players to chart a new course for India. The country craves for the evolution of a new culture of politics, different from politics that is hinged to religion or pivoted around cult figures. The BJP’s record on this count is pathetic. The Congress is unable to free itself from its misplaced beliefs and dilemmas.

source: Kashmir Times

‘If Cong tries to follow Sangh stand, how can it strengthen secularism?’

Liz Mathew — Sat, 09 Feb 2019 04:02:30 +0000

CPM Pinarayi Vijayan criticises the Congress-led Madhya Pradesh government for its move to invoke the stringent National Security Act against those arrested on charges of cow slaughter, calling it “against the secular character” of India.

In an interview with The Indian Express, Kerala Chief Minister and senior leader of CPM Pinarayi Vijayan criticises the Congress-led Madhya Pradesh government for its move to invoke the stringent National Security Act against those arrested on charges of cow slaughter, calling it “against the secular character” of India, and speaks about the Left’s political strategies for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. Excerpts:

Kerala is in a rebuilding state after the floods. What has been the progress?

United Nations agencies have assessed that Kerala requires Rs 31,000 crore (for the rebuilding exercise). Of this, Rs 5,000 will be from the Central government; we will have to mobilise the rest of the money. The World Bank is expected to help, and the Centre should cooperate with us in getting this support, especially because there is no special package announced (for Kerala) in this (Union) Budget. I am optimistic all work will be completed in three years.

Amid the recent violent agitation over women’s entry into Sabarimala shrine, the LDF government came under criticism from some Hindu outfits. Does CPM fear a consolidation of Hindu voters against it?

Do you think Muslim voters will stand by CPM in the Lok Sabha elections?

The minority community will see who is opposing the BJP strongly, and who can defeat the BJP (in Kerala). There is a general feeling that the Left are a credible opposition to BJP…. The Left’s presence has made Kerala’s atmosphere different for them. So they will support the Left. They had seen how the Left could influence decisions during the UPA-1 government. There are some parties representing those (minority) communities and they oppose the Left. But they are getting weak, which in turn will strengthen the Left. The Congress has become a party that does not have any community with it (in Kerala).

What do you think of what is being called the Congress’s soft-Hindutva stand? The MP government’s charges under NSA for cow slaughter, for instance.

If the Congress tries to follow RSS or Sangh Parivar stand on every issue, how can it strengthen secularism? It will, in fact, breed communalism. Take the case of Sabarimala, the Congress joined ranks with the RSS and BJP. If you want to strengthen secularism, you cannot adopt a communal stance.

Do you think CPM should have an understanding with the Congress in states such as West Bengal to oppose the BJP?

The Left’s stand is, the country will perish if the BJP returns to power for another five years in India (in 2019) — the country’s democracy, secularism and democratic institutions will be destroyed. If we want to keep the country in its present form, the BJP should not return to power. We need to ensure the BJP’s defeat everywhere. The Left will take a stand for that accordingly. We have not discussed any understanding with the Congress in West Bengal. Let them (party’s West Bengal unit) consider their issues and discuss the matter.

source: The Indian Express

Priyanka Gandhi Can Steal Airtime From Modi With ‘Good Wife’ Image

Shuma Raha — Fri, 08 Feb 2019 04:42:16 +0000

If politics is largely about optics, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra just scored a big hit in that department. On a day when she formally entered politics and took over as Congress’s general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Priyanka managed to finesse her image, so she comes across not just as the comely daughter of the Nehru-Gandhi line, but also as a dutiful wife who knows how to stand by her man.

Political Message Behind Priyanka Dropping Husband Off to ED Office

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra achieved this by the simple — and highly visible — strategy of dropping off her businessman husband Robert Vadra at the office of the Enforcement Directorate (ED), where he was to be questioned for alleged money laundering in connection with several properties he allegedly owns in London.

Priyanka told the media when she came to the AICC headquarters afterwards:

I stand by my husband… I support my husband, I support my family. Priyanka Gandhi Vadra to media

It was, of course, a political message — one that signified that Priyanka and the Congress brass were backing Vadra to the hilt, no matter how hard the authorities came after the Gandhi family damaad in this election season.

But it shaded in another, more powerfully political, narrative. Priyanka’s declaration of support for her husband is an irresistible sentiment in a country as traditional and patriarchal as India.

People in the countryside may or may not be seduced by her dynastic cred, they may or may not be attracted to her sunny smile, but a woman who fights for her husband’s honour is bound to endear herself to male and female voters alike.

Priyanka Gandhi’s ‘Victim Card’ Might Do The Trick

Indeed, if the ED arrests Robert Vadra (and irrespective of whether or not he is truly tainted), Priyanka could well derive significant political mileage from it. “Look at me”, she might say, “they are victimising my family because I want to serve you and give you a better life”.

It could translate into a double bonanza for the Congress: the party not only gets a charismatic leader, but a charismatic leader who can play the victim card. And we know the victim card works. It has certainly worked well for the BJP’s chief vote-getter.

The BJP has greeted Priyanka’s entry into politics with the usual panoply of insults and slighting epithets. Apart from sneering at her lack of experience, BJP leaders have variously described her as “bipolar”, “bachchi” “homely” and “chocolatey”.

There’s no doubt that in the run-up to the polls, the ruling party will go all out to portray Priyanka as just another “pretty face”, an inconsequential airhead, who has been summoned into the field by her brother, Congress President Rahul Gandhi, in a desperate attempt to revive the party’s fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. Congress currently holds only two parliamentary seats in UP —the Gandhi family buroughs of Amethi and Raebareli.

Can’t Dismiss Priyanka Gandhi as a ‘Goongi Gudiya’

In addition, the BJP may choose to attack Priyanka on account of her husband’s alleged misdeeds. At a time when Rahul Gandhi tirelessly claims that astronomical corruption took place in securing the Rafale deal, the BJP might choose to make Vadra the centrepiece of its own narrative against a “corrupt” Congress-led UPA. With the 2G and Commonwealth Games ‘scams’ having all but faded from public memory, Vadra could be the focal point of the BJP’s ‘stop-the-corrupt-Congress’ campaign in the upcoming general elections.

But with Priyanka in the fray, the strategy could become complicated for the BJP. First, the party would be foolish to dismiss her as a ‘goongi gudiya’ redux (Priyanka’s grandmother Indira was famously described as one before she executed a ‘surgical strike’ on all those who challenged her).

Even while she was in the margins of politics, Priyanka revealed herself to be quick of wit and sharp of repartee. Moreover, she has reportedly been in on Congress’s political confabulations for some years now. She could well show considerable political acumen now that she has thrown her hat into the ring.

Watch Out Modi Ji! Priyanka Could Steal Your Airtime

Second, if the BJP tries to make political capital out of Robert Vadra’s alleged financial wrongdoing, it would at once have to deal with Priyanka’s adarsh bharatiya naari image of a wife who stands firmly by her embattled husband. She has made that clear already. In the West, the ‘stand-by-your-man’ narrative has been tinged with scorn. Hillary Clinton never quite lived down her support of Bill Clinton in the face of his multiple sexual peccadilloes.

But in India, the “ideal” wife who supports her husband through thick and thin, the woman who valiantly tries to shield her family from harm, is an object of admiration and reverence.

And you can be sure that Priyanka will play to that sentiment when she goes to woo the voters in eastern Uttar Pradesh.

Add to that, the gazillions of media attention and airtime that Priyanka will command — she could give the Prime Minister a run for his money here — and you get the feeling that the Gandhi daughter has it in her to be a thorn in BJP’s side.

Indians like to enter into familial relationships with their female politicians. A Didi, a Behen, an Amma — they are sisters or mothers to them. Priyanka is clearly following in that tradition. The coming weeks will show if she becomes the beti whom people adore for being the ideal wife.

(Shuma Raha is a journalist and author based in Delhi. She tweets at @ShumaRaha. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quintneither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)

source: The Quint

PM Modi tears into Congress, warns against mahamilavat ki sarkar

Liz Mathew — Fri, 08 Feb 2019 04:29:26 +0000

Speaking Thursday in what could be his last speech in the 16th Lok Sabha, Modi accused the Congress of bullying the judiciary, compromising with the national interest and humiliating the Army.

SHARPLY drawing the battlelines for the Lok Sabha elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi slammed the Congress party, framing his government’s 55 months against its 55 years in power, and warned against a “mahamilavat” (highly adulterated) government if his party wasn’t voted back.

Speaking Thursday in what could be his last speech in the 16th Lok Sabha, Modi accused the Congress of bullying the judiciary, compromising with the national interest and humiliating the Army.

He also presented a report card of his government trying to rebut the criticism on his government on job creation and measures for farmers. Replying to the debate on the motion of thanks to President’s address in Lok Sabha, the Prime Minister turned to the BC, AD nomenclature to take a swipe at the Congress and the Gandhi family: “BC stands for Before Congress, AD for After Dynasty.”

“I am making a serious charge against the Congress,” he said in his 100-minute-long speech. “Congress party does not want the Indian Air Force to be strong. Why do you want the Rafale deal to be cancelled? Who is going to benefit out of it? For which company you are playing this? You played this kind of game with the Army? Why?,” he said.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi his target, he went on: “History is witness to the (fact) that Congress and its power hungry allies have never done anything without middlemen? I used to wonder how can he (Rahul Gandhi) say lies with such confidence over Rafale? When I started looking into the details, I realised that in the last 55 years, in the saga of power-hungry rule, no deal was done without middlemen.”

To the charge that he and his Government are undermining institutions, Modi said: “Ulta chor chowkidaar ko dantte hain”. He said: “Congress imposed Emergency but they say Modi is destroying institutions. Congress insults Army, calls the Army chief a ‘goonda’ but they say Modi is destroying institutions. It creates stories that Army is doing a coup but Modi is destroying institutions,” he said.

He also said Indira Gandhi dismissed elected governments “over 50 times”, charged Congress with making defence deals with “Chachas and Mamas”, and with having “benami properties” abroad, an apparent reference to the ED’s allegations against Robert Vadra.

As the Opposition benches started protesting, Modi warned: The public knows what happens when there is a milawat ki sarkar (adulterated government)”. Then, gesturing to the Treasury benches, he said, “Don’t worry, the Grand Adulteration people won’t come here…The voters understand how a maha milavat government can be harmful for the country… When the government has majority, the performance is undoubtedly different,” he said. Then he added specifically, “The voters do not want a Mahamilavat government of those who assembled in Kolkata,” referring to the coming together of 23 parties in Kolkata.

source: The Indian Express

Saudi Arabia crown prince set to visit India, but Israel PM Netanyahu cancels trip

Jyoti Malhotra — Thu, 07 Feb 2019 11:15:01 +0000

The Saudis, Israelis and New Delhi didn’t want the two visits to take place so close to each other, given that the two countries are seen to be sworn diplomatic antagonists.

New Delhi: Saudi Arabia crown prince Mohammed bin Salman will be arriving in India from Malaysia for a fleeting 24-hour visit on 19 February as he looks to not be seen hyphenating Riyadh’s close ties with Pakistan, which he is also visiting on this trip.

However, Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was also set to visit India on 11 February, has cancelled his day-long trip, said sources.

The visit of MBS, as the Saudi crown prince is popularly known, is expected to bolster the strongman image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Central Intelligence Agency in US reportedly concluded in November 2018 that it was MBS who had ordered the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul, Turkey, in October 2018, despite strong denials by the Saudi government.

According to the Washington Post, US officials had expressed confidence in the CIA’s assessment despite the fact that this enormously complicates America’s relationship with Saudi Arabia.

The reasons for Netanyahu’s cancellation are not clear. In the last two years, Prime Minister Modi and the Israeli PM have already made one trip each to the other’s country. Earlier this month, Israeli national security adviser Meir Bin Shabbat had visited India for talks with his counterpart Ajit Doval.

Sources said the Saudis, the Israelis and New Delhi didn’t want the two visits to take place so close to each other, considering Saudi Arabia and Israel are seen to be sworn diplomatic antagonists.

Diplomatic visits

February will see the last hurrah of diplomatic visits to India before the upcoming election season — Argentinean President Mauricio Macri will visit on 18 February; besides trips by the former Sri Lanka president Chandrika Kumaratunga to New Delhi, her rival and successor Mahinda Rajapaksa to Bengaluru and former Maldivian president Mohamed Nasheed to New Delhi.

Kumaratunga’s proposed talks with Modi will be interesting, especially since India seems to be humouring Rajapaksa despite his intense machinations in recent months in trying to topple the elected government of Ranil Wickramasinghe.

Rajapaksa is seen to be close to BJP leader Subramanian Swamy, who has seemingly endeared himself to Modi because of his relentless pursuit of the National Herald case against former Congress president Sonia Gandhi.

But it is the visit of MBS which is drawing all the eyeballs these days.

The Saudi crown prince will be in the national capital for a mere 24 hours — in on 19 February evening and out on 20 February evening — but Ministry of External Affairs sources said he is bringing with him anything from 500-800 people in their own private jets.

Whatever the size of the delegation, fact is that Saudi Arabia has emerged as India’s fourth largest trading partner — after the US, China and UAE — primarily because it is also a top supplier of crude oil, along with Iraq and Iran.

Bilateral trade now stands at $27.48 billion, of which India’s imports are $22.06 billion.

There is also talk of the Saudis interested in putting together an Investment Fund for India, on the lines of the UAE.

The Saudi crown prince who is being heavily criticised by Saudi Arabia’s closest allies such as the UK after journalist Khashoggi’s murder — the CIA said that MBS had ordered the killing — is also being wooed by Islamic nations such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Pakistan. He will be visiting the three nations, besides India, on this trip.

Diplomatic sources in New Delhi told ThePrint that Modi had persuaded MBS to come to India after they both met at the November 2018 G20 summit in Argentina.

In Pakistan, MBS is expected to sign pacts worth $14 billion, besides $3 billion in currency support and a loan of another $3 billion in deferred payments for oil imports signed by Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan.

source: The Print

The 2019 election is going to be all about alliances

Nistula Hebbar — Thu, 07 Feb 2019 06:33:36 +0000

The global investor on the coming general election, the anti-incumbency trend and why he thinks the Indian state is socialist

In his latest book, ‘Democracy on the Road: A 25 Year Journey Through India’, investor Ruchir Sharma has catalogued the 27 national and State elections that he has tracked over a quarter of a century in his personal capacity. Mr. Sharma, who is the head of emerging markets and chief global strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, discusses the 2019 general election, explains why India has the highest anti-incumbency rate among major democracies and why it can never be a China on economic reforms. Excerpts:

There is a thread running through your book about India’s “deep distaste for incumbents”. Do you mean Indians instinctively throw out governments, whatever their record?

The word anti-incumbency was coined in India. When I write for The New York Times or such publications, and I use the phrase, they don’t know what I’m talking about because the phrase was coined here. That’s because India has the highest rate of anti-incumbency among major democracies in the world. In the U.S. and the U.K., most incumbents tend to get re-elected. In the U.S., for example, two-thirds of Presidents and Governors who stand get re-elected; in India, two-thirds lose their elections. That’s what the data say.

There are two or three reasons why this happens. The foremost is that the state in India is broken. Politicians want to do stuff and promise stuff, but the state is just broken and cannot deliver. It just falls through the cracks. For example, yesterday, I was in Bijnor [Uttar Pradesh], and before the District Magistrate’s office, a big protest broke out by sugar cane farmers over the question of dues. The whole issue is that you can keep announcing things, like minimum support price, but the moment you take your payment slip to the Food Corporation of India, they give you the runaround. The mechanism is so broken that your daily interaction with the government is very frustrating and possibly the only thing you can do is vote people out. Secondly, it doesn’t take much to vote people out because of the fragmented polity. In most States in India, you can win most seats by securing 30% of the vote share, so then just a 3-4% vote swing is enough to change the fortunes of a government, or if the Opposition comes together, it can change things. These are factors that distinguish India from other countries.

There have been many instances of governments being voted back. How do you explain that?

Again, there are a couple of things. There was a period of time, between 2005 and 2010, when a lot of incumbents won elections in India. A couple of things happened in that period. One, the economy was booming and inflation was fairly low, and two, because the economy was booming there was a lot of welfare that could be done, as governments were able to spend on these programmes. This really helped those governments come back to power.

Having said that, one of the more insightful statements which I have repeated twice in the book is by a Mangaluru MLA, U.T. Khader, who said that winning elections in India is like fighting a battery of six tests with a minimum passing mark on each. You can’t rely on just one factor — if you don’t do enough welfarism, you will lose; you have to get the caste arithmetic and religious politics right; or some huge allegation of corruption hits you. In American politics, there is a far more obvious connection between economics and politics. That argument appears simplistic in the Indian context.

You say that India’s national elections are a series of State elections. Can you explain?

That’s what happened in 2004, in 2009, and, in fact, in most non-wave elections, unlike the 1984-85 Rajiv Gandhi wave and the mini wave, mainly in north India, for Narendra Modi in 2014. In Delhi and Mumbai, we are preoccupied by questions like, “If Modi doesn’t return in 2019, then who comes in his place?” But it doesn’t work that way in the rest of India. We are a truly parliamentary system. One bit of data that I keep quoting is that in 2004, the gap between Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s popularity and that of Sonia Gandhi’s was much larger than the current one between Modi and Rahul Gandhi, and yet because she was able to stitch good alliances, the Congress was able to win. Even this election, it’s going to go State by State.

Coming to political personalities, you say that Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati hasn’t been able to accrue much influence outside Uttar Pradesh or grow beyond it.

It’s amazing to me how no regional leader has been able to grow nationally, and with Mayawati, you would have thought with a large Dalit population across the country, she would have become a pan-Indian presence. But the fact remains that Dalits are not a monolithic bloc of votes. The one State where I remember people telling me that Mayawati could have a big influence was Maharashtra, and yet she is a complete non-entity there. Being a prime ministerial candidate is a different matter and more a negotiation based on how many seats she gets, but her case proves to me that India is truly a ‘continent’ of 29 States and it is almost impossible for a leader who is strong in one State to replicate it everywhere else.

A part of your interest in politics was also to see whether there would be a leader who could push economic reforms. In the book, you come to the conclusion that the Indian DNA is statist and socialist.

In this country, there is no constituency for privatisation today. Is there any scenario in which you think that any big push for privatisation will be launched after the 2019 polls? I don’t think so. There was some chance in 2002, there was some chance with Modi in 2014. To me that is the evidence — that what I said about statism stands. The good thing in India is that the private sector is so vibrant because of some liberalisation in the past that it can carry the can, but that is also why India can never grow like China. In the early years of its development, China had no welfare state; it spent entirely on roads and infrastructure. The Indian polity will not allow that.

Through your many years of covering polls, you have met several political leaders — right from the time they were introduced to politics to when they were more mature in politics. What are the changes in Rahul Gandhi from when you met him in 2007 to now?

In 2007, it was a two-hour-long meeting in which he spoke for an hour and 59 minutes. He didn’t want to engage much despite the fact that he had just entered politics and it was a roomful of fairly experienced political watchers. The unfavourable impression was of being spoken down to. Over the years we found that he was much more interested in engaging and listening. We don’t know how much of that is change and how much is based on feedback. There is, of course, no doubt that he has improved a lot as a campaigner from 2007.

What about Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and her formal entry into the Congress? Will she able to make a critical difference to the Congress’s fortunes?

I think the days are gone when you could just land and your charisma would work. That India is not there anymore. You also know how deeply entrenched caste equations in Uttar Pradesh are. To disturb them at this stage will be a very difficult thing to do. If I were to be asked on how she can make the biggest difference, it would be to get her to focus on one thing. Let’s say she manages to be the combined Opposition candidate from Varanasi against Modi. Then you can focus that energy on one thing, but the idea of building the Congress so that it’s a serious contender by April 2019 based on just charisma… that concept no longer exists. The deliverables from Priyanka should be adjusted in that way if she is to make an impact.

You have described several tense meetings of your travel group with Prime Minister Modi and BJP president Amit Shah. Why is that?

They have a belief that the entire media is ‘liberal’ and out to get them. It’s a different situation from, say, 15 years ago, when the word liberal was not used so pejoratively. They really believe that the media is out to get them and it colours that interaction.

But a lot of it also informs a narrative of Modi versus all, and if not Mr. Modi, then anarchy. How well do you think that will work in 2019?

Rajiv Gandhi tried something similar in 1989 and that didn’t work so well. It may work with some sections of the people, especially the middle class, but at the broader level people vote for the party they want to and not see what’s going to happen after the election.

In your view, what will be the overarching issue informing the 2019 election? Will it be jobs, rural distress, Ram Mandir, or Mr. Modi’s own version of Hindutva?

This election is going to be all about alliances. Narendra Modi’s support base is still strong, there could be a little in and out on that, and he could still get 31% of the vote share, but the seats this time could be way less than the 9 to 1 ratio, which was the highest vote-to-seat conversion ratio in the entire electoral history of India.

In how many States the Opposition will be able to put up good alliances will determine the course of this election.

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah have a belief that the entire media is ‘liberal’ and out to get them. It’s a different situation from, say, 15 years ago, when the word liberal was not used so pejoratively.

The idea of building the Congress based on just Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s charisma… that concept no longer exists.

source: The Hindu

Lok Sabha: BJP MPs seek Mamata, Kejriwal govts’ dismissal

Liz Mathew — Wed, 06 Feb 2019 15:17:38 +0000

Targeting the TMC, BJP’s Nishikant Dubey alleged that the West Bengal government under the TMC is protecting illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which has changed the demography in several places, including some districts of Jharkhand, from where he is an MP.

With the political slugfest between the BJP and opposition parties intensifying, several MPs of the ruling party on Tuesday sought dismissal of the state governments of West Bengal and Delhi.

Targeting the TMC, BJP’s Nishikant Dubey alleged that the West Bengal government under the TMC is protecting illegal migrants from Bangladesh, which has changed the demography in several places, including some districts of Jharkhand, from where he is an MP.

“Just like how they have taken the Central government head on, they have been protecting illegal migrants for vote bank. There should be an NRC (National Register of Citizens) for all states,” Dubey said.

Amid uproar by Trinamool MPs, he said, “The Mamata Banerjee government should be suspended.” Fourteen BJP MPs associated with him on the issue.

BJP member from West Delhi Parvesh Sahib Singh said the Arvind Kejriwal government in Delhi should also be dismissed, as the ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is calling up “lakhs of people” and telling them that their names had been “cut away” from voters’ list, and that “Kejriwal added them back.”

Singh alleged that the Delhi Education Department had collected telephone numbers of parents and are “misusing” the numbers for political purpose.

“Kejriwal says around 30 lakh names were missing on voters’ list, but if we go to the Election Commission’s website we don’t find anything like that. This is misleading the voters. There has to be an FIR, and such a government should be dismissed,” Verma said.

Among other issues raised during Zero Hour on Tuesday, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) member B Mahtab wanted to know whether reciting something in Sanskrit is not secular, as “certain entities” disagree with the decision for compulsory recitation of common prayers in Sanskrit by students in Kendriya Vidyalayas.

Mahtab pointed out that a petition has been filed in Supreme Court regarding the revised education code for Kendriya Vidyalaya (KV) Sangathan on compulsory recitation of common prayers in Sanskrit by students. “This should have been avoided at the Supreme Court’s level in the beginning. Some parents, children and organisations from certain communities do not agree with this common prayer,” he said.

source : The Indian Express